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them had combined certain of 'the Herodians' - of course, not a sect nor religious
school, but a political party at the time. We know comparatively little of the deeper
political movements in Judæa, only so much as it has suited Josephus to record. But we
cannot be greatly mistaken in regarding the Herodians as a party which honestly
accepted the House of Herod as occupants of the Jewish throne. Differing from the
extreme section of the Pharisees, who hated Herod, and from the 'Nationalists,' it might
have been a middle or moderate Jewish party - semi-Roman and semi -Nationalist . We
know that it was the ambition of Herod Antipas again to unite under his sway of the
whole of Palestine; but we know not what intrigues may have been carried on for that
purpose, alike with the Pharisees and the Romans. Nor is it the first time in this history,
that we find the Pharisees and the Herodians combined.24 Herod may, indeed, have
been unwilling to incur the unpopularity of personally proceeding against the Great
Prophet of Nazareth, especially as he must have had so keen a remembrance of what
the murder of John had cost him. Perhaps he would fain, if he could, have made use of
Him, and played Him off as the popular Messiah against the popular leaders. But, as
matters had gone, he must have been anxious to rid himself of what might be a
formidable rival, while, at the same time, his party would be glad to join with the
Pharisees in what would secure their gratitude and allegiance. Such, or similar, may
have been the motives which brought about this strange alliance of Pharisees and
Herodians.
21. St. Matt. xxii. 15-22; St. Mark xii. 13-17; St. Luke xx. 19-26.
22. St. Luke.
23. St. Matthew.
24. Comp. for example, St. Mark iii. 6.
Feigning themselves just men, they now came to Jesus with honeyed words, intended
to disarm His suspicions, but, by an appeal to His fearlessness and singleness of moral
purpose, to induce Him to commit Himself without reserve. Was it lawful for them to give
tribute unto Cæsar, or not? were they to pay the capitation-tax25 of one drachm, or to
refuse it? We k now how later Judaism would have answered such a question. It lays
down the principle, that the right of coinage implies the authority of levying taxes, and
indeed constitutes such evidence of de facto government as to make it duty absolutely
to submit to it.26 So much was this felt, that the Maccabees, and, in the last Jewish war,
Bar Kokhabh, the false Messiah, issued a coinage dating from the liberation of
Jerusalem. We cannot therefore doubt, that this principle about coinage, taxation, and
government was generally accepted in Judæa. On the other hand, there was a strong
party in the land; with which, not only politically but religiously, many of the noblest
spirits would sympathise, which maintained, that to pay the tribute -money to Cæsar was
virtually to own his royal authority, and so to disown that of Jehovah, Who alone was
Israel's King. They would argue, that all the miseries of the land and people were due to
this national unfaithfulness. Indeed, this was the fundamental principle of the Nationalist
movement. History has recorded many similar movements, in which strong political
feelings have been strangely blended with religious fanaticism, and which have
numbered in their ranks, together with unscrupulous partisans, not a few who were
sincere patriots or earnest religionists. It has been suggested in a former part of this
book, that the Nationalist movement may have had an important preparatory bearing on
some of the earlier followers of Jesus, perhaps at the beginning of their inquiries, just