18. The Pharisees never forgave this. It is quite true that this plea for their opposition to
the Asmonĉans is for the first time reported during a later reign - that of John Hyrcanus I.
- and that it was then ostensibly based on the ground of Hyrcanus' mother having been a
captive of war. But see our remarks on this point further on.
19. The story, however, differently told by Josephus (Ant. Xiii. 4. 3). I have followed the
account in 1 Macc., whic h is generally regarded as the more trustworthy, though I am not
without misgivings, since Josephus evidently had the Book of Maccabees before him.
The government of Judĉa could not, in these difficult times, have developed upon one
more fitted for it tha n Simon, an elder brother of Judas Maccabee. His father had, when
making his dying disposition, already designated him 'as the man of counsel' among his
sons (1 Macc. ii. 65). Simon's policy lay chiefly in turning to good account the disputes in
Syria, and in consolidating such rule as he had acquired (143-135 b.c.). After the murder
of his brother by Trypho, he took part of the Syrian claimant (Demetrius) to whom
Trypho was opposed. Demetrius was glad to purchase his support by a remission of all
taxation for all time to come. This was the first great success, and the Jews perpetuated its
memory by enrolling its anniversary (the 27th Iyar, or May) in their Calendar. An even
more important date, alike in the 'Calendar' (Meg. Taan. Per. 2) and in Jewish history (1
Macc. xiii. 51), was the 23rd Iyar, when the work of clearing the country of the foreigner
was completed by the Syrian party. The next measures of Simon were directed to the
suppression of the Grecian party in Judĉa, and the establishments of peace a nd security
to his own adherents. To the popular mind this 'Golden Age' described in glowing
language in 1 Macc. xiv. 8-14, seemed to culminate in an event by which the national
vanity was gratified and the future safety of their country apparently ensured. This was
the arrival of a Roman embassy in Judĉa to renew the league which had already been
made both by Judas Maccabee and by Jonathan. Simon replied by sending a Jewish
embassy to Rome, which brought a valuable shield of gold in token of gratitude. In their
intoxication the Jews passed a decree, and engraved it on tables of brass, making Simon
'their High-Priest and a Governor forever, until there should arise a faithful prophet;' in
other words, appointing him to the twofold office of spiritual and sec ular chief, and
declaring it hereditary (1 Macc. xiv. 41-45). The fact that he should have been appointed
to dignities which both he and his predecessor had already held, and that offices which in
themselves were hereditary should now be declared such in t he family of Simon, as well
as the significant limitation: 'until there should arise a faithful prophet,' sufficiently
indicate that there were dissensions among the people and opposition to the Asmonĉans.
In truth, as the Chasidim had already had been alienated, so there was a growing party
among the Pharisees, their successors, whose hostility to the Asmonĉans increased till it
developed into positive hatred. This antagonism was, however, not grounded on their
possession of the secular power, but on their occupancy of the Pontificate, perhaps on
their combination of the two offices. How far their enmity went, will appear in the sequel.
For a time it was repressed by the critical state of affairs. For, the contest with the Syrians
had to be once more renewed, and although Simon, or rather his sons, obtained the
victory, the aged High-Priest and two of his sons, Mattathias and Judas, fell by the
treachery of Ptolomĉus, Simon's son - in- law.
The Pontificate and the government now developed upon the only one of Simon's sons
still left, known as John Hyranus I. (Jochanan Horkenos,20 Jannai21), 135-105 b.c. His