17. A somewhat analogous change, at least of theological opinions, distinguishes the later
from the earlier 'Puritans.' Theological schools which are partly political in their early
history often degenerate either into political partisans or else into extreme sectaries, as
either one or the other of their rationes vivendi ceases.
From this digression, necessary for the proper understanding of the internal relations in
Judæa, we return to the political history. There was another change on the throne of
Syria. Demetrius, the new king readily listened to the complaints of a Jewish deputation,
and appointed their leader, Alcimus (Jakim or Eljakim) High-Priest. At first the Chasidin
were disposed to support him, as having formerly filled a high post in the priesthood, and
as the nephew of José the son of Jazer, one of their leaders. But they suffered terribly for
their rashness. Aided by the Syrians, Alcimus seized the Pontificate. But Judas once more
raised the national standard against the intruder and the allies. At first victory seemed to
incline to the national side, and the day of the final defeat and slaughter of the Syrian
army and of Nicanor their general was enrolled in the Jewish Ca lendar as one on which
fasting and mourning were prohibited (the 13th Adar, or March). Still, the prospect was
far from reassuring, the more so as division had already appeared in the ranks of the
Jews. In these circumstances Judas directed his eyes towards the new Western power
which was beginning to overshadow the East. It was a fatal step - the beginning of all
future troubles - and, even politically, a grave mistake, to enter into a defensive and
offensive alliance with Rome. But before even more temporary advantage could be
derived from this measure, Judas the Maccabee had already succumbed to superior
numbers, and heroically fallen in battle against the Syrians.
The war of liberation had lasted seven years, and yet when the small remnant of the
Asmonæa n party chose Jonathan, the youngest brother of Judas, as his successor, their
cause seemed more hopeless than almost at any previous period. The Grecian party were
dominant in Judæa, the Syrian host occupied the land and Jonathan and his adherents
were obliged to retire to the other side Jordan. The only hope, if such it may be called, lay
in the circumstances that after the death of Alcimus the Pontificate was not filled by
another Syrian nominee, but remained vacant for two years. During this time the
na tionalists must have gained strength, since the Grecian party now once more sought
and obtained Syrian help against them. But the almost passive resistance which Jonathan
successfully offered wearied out the Syrian general and led to a treaty of peace (1 Macc.
ix. 58-73).In the period which followed, the Asmonæan party steadily increased, so that
when a rival king claimed the Syrian crown, both pretenders bade for the support of
Jonathan. He took the side of the new monarch, Alexander Balas, who sent him a crown
of gold and a purple mantle, and appointed him High-Priest, a dignity which Jonathan at
once accepted.18 The Jewish Pontiff was faithful to his patron even against a new
claimant to the crown of Syria.19 And such was his influence, that the latter, o n gaining
possession of the throne, not only forgave the resistance of Jonathan, but confirmed him
in the Pontificate, and even remitted the taxation of Palestine on a tribute (probably
annual) of 300 talents. But the faithlessness and ingratitude of the S yrian king led
Jonathan soon afterwards to take the side of another Syrian pretender, an infant, whose
claims were ostensibly defended by his general Trypho. In the end, however, Jonathan's
resistance to Trypho's schemes for obtaining the crown for himself led to the murder of
the Jewish High-Priest by treachery.